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Critical Discourse Analysis in Researching Language in the New Capitalism
Critical Discourse Analysis in Researching Language in the New Capitalism
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Critical Discourse Analysis in Researching Language in the New Capitalism: Overdetermination, Transdisciplinarity and Textual Analysis[i]

                            

I use the term 憂ew capitalism?to refer to the most recent of a historical series of radical re-structurings through which capitalism has maintained its fundamental continuity (Jessop 2000). A great deal of contemporary social research is concerned with the nature and consequences of these changes. The study of language aspects of new capitalism is now developing into a significant area of research for critical discourse analysts. There is a web-site devoted to it  (http://www.cddc.vt.edu/host/lnc/) and the journal Discourse and Society has recently devoted a special issue to the theme (13.2, 2002).  However, using the term 憂ew capitalism?does not imply an exclusive focus on economic issues: transformations in capitalism have ramifications throughout social life, and 憂ew capitalism?as a research theme should be interpreted broadly as a concern with how these transformations impact on politics, education, artistic production, and many other areas of social life.

 

Capitalism has the capacity to overcome crises by radically transforming itself periodically, so that economic expansion can continue. Such a transformation towards 慛ew Capitalism?is taking place now in response to a crisis in the post-Second World War model (慒ordism?.  This  transformation involves both 憆e-structuring?of relations between the economic, political and social domains (including the commodification and marketisation of fields like education ?it becomes subject to the economic logic of the market), and the 憆e-scaling?of relations between different scales of social life ?the global, the regional (eg the European Union), the national, and the local. Governments on different scales, social democratic as well as conservative, have embraced 憂eo-liberalism? a political project for facilitating re-structuring and re-scaling of social relations in accord with the demands of an unrestrained global capitalism (Bourdieu 1998). It has been imposed on the post-socialist economies as allegedly the best means of rapid system transformation, economic renewal, and re-integration into the global economy. It has led to radical attacks on universal social welfare and the reduction of the protections that welfare states provided for people against the effects of markets. It has also led to an increasing division between rich and poor, increasing economic insecurity and stress even for the 'new middle' classes, and an intensification of the exploitation of labour. The unrestrained emphasis on growth also poses major threats to the environment. It has also produced a new imperialism, where international financial agencies under the tutelage of the USA and its rich allies indiscriminately impose restructuring, sometimes with disastrous consequences (e.g. Russia and Argentina). An imperialism which has recently begun to take a military form in the 憌ar on terrorism? It is not the impetus to increasing international economic integration that is the problem but the particular form in which this is being imposed, the particular consequences (e.g., in terms of unequal distribution of wealth) which are being made to follow. All this has resulted in the disorientation and disarming of economic, political, and social forces committed to radical alternatives, and has contributed to a closure of public debate and a weakening of democracy. (This summary is based upon the programme for the Language in New Capitalism research network (http://www.cddc.vt.edu/host/lnc/) ).

 

Language in new capitalism

The common idea of new capitalism as a 慿nowledge-based?or 慿nowledge-driven?socio-economic order implies that it is also 慸iscourse-driven? suggesting that language may have a more significant role in contemporary socio-economic changes than it has had in the past. If this is so, discourse analysis has an important contribution to make to research on the transformations of capitalism. The significance of language in these transformations has not gone unnoticed by social researchers. Bourdieu & Wacquant (2001) for instance point to a 憂ew planetary vulgate? which they characterise as a vocabulary (慻lobalization? 慺lexibility? 慻overnance? 慹mployability? 慹xclusion?and so forth), which 慽s endowed with the performative power to bring into being the very realities it claims to describe? That is, the neo-liberal political project of removing obstacles to the new economic order is discourse-driven.

       But as well as indicating the significance of language in these socio-economic transformations, Bourdieu & Wacquant抯 paper shows that social research needs the contribution of discourse analysts. It is not enough to characterise the 憂ew planetary vulgate?as a list of words, a vocabulary, we need to analyse texts and interactions to show how some of the effects which Bourdieu & Wacquant identify are brought off (eg making the socio-economic transformations of new capitalism and the policies of governments to facilitate them seem inevitable; representing desires as facts, representing the imaginaries of interested policies as the way the world actually is, see Fairclough 2000a). Bourdieu & Wacquant抯 account of the effectivity of neoliberal discourse exceeds the capacity of their sociological research methods.

       But it is not only text and interactional analysis that discourse analysts can bring to social research on the new capitalism, it is also a satisfactory theorisation of the dialectics of discourse (elaborated further below). If we think of the restructuring and rescaling which Jessop refers to as changes in the networking of social practices, they are also a restructuring and rescaling of discourse, of 憃rders of discourse?(the term is explained below). The restructuring of orders of discourse is a matter of shifting relations, changes in networking, between the discourse elements of different (networks of) social practices. A prime example is the way in which the language of management has colonised public institutions and organisations such as universities ?though we need to add at once that this process is a colonisation/ appropriation dialectic, ie not only a matter of the entry of discourses into new domains, but the diverse ways in which they are received, appropriated, recontextualized in different locales, and the ultimately unpredictable outcomes of this process. The re-scaling of orders of discourse is a matter of changes in the networking of the discourse elements of social practices on different scales of social organisation ?global, regional, national and local. For instance, the enhanced and accelerated permeability of local social practices (local government, small-scale industry, local media) in countries across the world to discourses which are globally disseminated through organisations like the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank. Working the above account of the transformation of capitalism into a dialectical theory of discourse provides a theoretical framework for researching the global penetrative power of the 憂ew planetary vulgate?which Bourdieu & Wacquant allude to, as well as its limits.

        It is also needed to research what Bourdieu & Wacquant call the 憄erformative power?of the 憂ew planetary vulgate? its power to 慴ring into being the very realities it describes?  How does this discourse come to be internalised (Harvey 1996) in social practices, under what conditions does it construct and re-construct (rather than merely construe) social practices including their non-discoursal elements? How does it come to be enacted in ways of acting and interacting (eg organisational routines and procedures, including genres), and inculcated in the ways of being, the identities, of social agents? How does it come to be materialised in the 慼ardware?of institutions and organisations? Researching this crucial issue requires detailed investigation of organisational and institutional change on a comparative basis, such as the study by Salskov-Iversen et al (2000) of the contrasting colonisation/appropriation of the new 憄ublic management?discourse by local authorities in Britain and Mexico, but working with the sort of dialectical theory of discourse I sketch out below. See also Iedema (1999).

 

An example

Having given above a general account of the transformations of new capitalism, and a general rationale for a language focus in researching new capitalism, I now want to focus on specific issues which arise from a single text. This is the Foreword to a UK Department of Trade and Industry White Paper, 慜ur Competitive Future: Building the Knowledge Economy? written by (or at least signed by) the Prime Minister, Tony Blair.

 

The modern world is swept by change. New technologies emerge constantly, new markets are opening up. There are new competitors but also great new opportunities.

 

Our success depends on how well we exploit our most valuable assets: our knowledge, skills and creativity. These are the key to designing high-value goods and services and advanced business practices. They are at the heart of a modern, knowledge driven economy.

 

This new world challenges business to be innovative and

creative, to improve performance continuously, to build new

alliances and ventures. But it also challenges Government:

to create and execute a new approach to industrial policy.

 

That is the purpose of this White Paper. Old-fashioned state intervention did not and cannot work. But neither does na飗e reliance on markets.

 

The Government must promote competition, stimulating enterprise, flexibility and innovation by opening markets. But we must also invest in British capabilities when companies alone cannot: in education, in science and in the creation of a culture of enterprise. And we must promote creative partnerships which help companies: to collaborate for competitive advantage; to promote a long term vision in a world of short term pressures; to benchmark their performance against the best in the world; and to forge alliances with other businesses and employees. All this is the DTI抯 role.

 

We will not meet our objectives overnight. The White Paper creates a policy framework for the next ten years. We must compete more effectively in today抯 tough markets if we are to prosper in the markets of tomorrow.

 

In Government, in business, in our universities and throughout society we must do much more to foster a new entrepreneurial spirit: equipping ourselves for the long term, prepared to seize opportunities, committed to constant innovation and enhanced performance. That is the route to commercial success and prosperity for all. We must put the future on Britain抯 side.

                                  Tony Blair (signature)

                        The Rt Hon Tony Blair MP, Prime Minister

 

One thing I find striking about this text (and many other contemporary texts, in politics and government but also other fields such as education) is the texturing of a relationship between the 慻lobal?/FONT>[ii] and the national. The relevance of this feature of the text to the concerns of this paper is that this way of constructing the global and the national and the relationship between them is, as I shall argue in more detail later, characteristically neo-liberal ?using that term as above for the dominant political position within current transformations of capitalism. In using the term 憈exturing?I am focusing on the 憌ork?that is done textually ?the textual 憌orking up?of that relationship. Blair is writing about, and texturing a relationship between, 憈he modern world?(more specifically the 憂ew global economy? an expression he uses often, though not in this text), and Britain. Let us refer to these as different 憇pace-times? the global space-time and the national space-time. I shall come back to that term later. For instance, the first paragraph represents the global space-time of the 憁odern world? The first sentence of the second paragraph can be seen as combining representations of global and national space-time.  The relation between 憇uccess?and exploitation of 慳ssets?is global (it applies anywhere in the 憂ew global economy?, but the relational process verb (慸epends on? links a nominalization (憃ur success? and an embedded clause (慼ow well we exploit ?? which represent processes in British national space-time. The second and third sentences represent the global space-time. I shall comment first on how these space-times are constructed, and then on how they are textured together.

 

The global space-time

Global space is represented as an entity, a place, 憈he modern world? 憈his new world? It a participant in processes rather than a circumstance (as it would be in eg 憂ew markets are opening up on an international level?/I>). It is the passive subject (and 憀ogical object? in the first sentence, and the active subject in 憈his new world challenges??  It is also theme of the opening sentence and, one might say, of the first paragraph.

 

Global time is represented as present, though what that means needs some clarification. The verbs are present tense, either simple present or present continuous (慳re opening up?. In most cases the simple present is 'timeless present? representing an indeterminate stretch of time which includes but pre-dates and post-dates the present. The present continuous with the event verb 憃pen up?has both the meaning of inception and incompletion (慳re beginning to open up? and an iterative meaning (慿eep opening up?, as does simple present 慹merge?with the adverb 慶onstantly?

 

The modality of representations of the processes and relations of the global space-time is epistemic and categorically assertive: positive statements without modal markers which represent processes as real and actual.  These statements of some of the truisms of the age are of a somewhat gnomic character. Yet 慳re opening up?and 慹merge constantly?bring covert predictions (憌ill carry on emerging and opening up? of an 慽rrealis?future into the representation of global space-time as 憆ealis?present (Iedema 1998, Graham 2001). So too does the contrast in paragraph 6 between 憈oday抯 tough markets?and 憈he markets of tomorrow??there is an implicit prediction of the competitive character of these future markets.

 

The processes of the global space-time are material (the three processes in the first two sentences of paragraph 1), existential (the third sentence of paragraph 1), relational (paragraph 2) and verbal (paragraph 3).  The actors in the material processes are non-human, inanimate (憂ew technologies? 憂ew markets? or nominalized (慶hange?, and the actor in the verbal process is 憈his new world?  The global space-time is represented as processes without human agency.

 

The representation of relations between processes is also worth noting, especially in paragraph 1. Semantically, the relationship between the first sentence and the rest of the paragraph  is elaboration, the relationship between the second and third sentences, and between the two clauses of the second, is addition, and the relationship between the two phrases of the third can be seen as both additive (慳lso? and contrastive (慴ut? (Halliday 1994).  Grammatically, there are three sentences, the second and third containing paratactically related clauses and phrases respectively. The global space-time is represented as a list of processes. But there is also a nominalized process (慶hange? and two inanimate nouns (憁arkets? 憃pportunities? which like the nominalization represent processes (people trading in new ways, people being able to do new things) as entities, two of which (慶hange? 憂ew markets? are actors in material processes.

 

The national space-time

National space is also represented as a place, Britain, though it is implicitly evoked through some of its attributes (憌e? 憈he government?etc) rather than directly represented (態ritain?does not appear until the final paragraph,  態ritish?just once in paragraph 5). It is also differentiated (see the final paragraph) in terms of fields (慓overnment? 慴usiness? 憃ur universities? in which, as 憈hroughout society? 慳 new entrepreneurial spirit?is to be 慺ostered? bringing all domains of social life under the sign of business.

 

In contrast to the predominant timeless present of the global space-time, the temporality of the national space-time is predominantly future , in paragraph 5 for instance. Notice also that the future is to be put 憃n Britain抯 side?(final paragraph). The verbs of the main clauses of the first three sentences are deontically modalized (憁ust?, and the meanings are 憄resent necessity of future action? The implicit normative framework is not for instance ethical but pragmatic and circumstantial: we are forced by circumstances. On the other hand, in using 憁ust?rather than 慼ave to?Blair commits himself to these necessities rather than locating their source elsewhere.  Whereas statements about the global space-time are descriptive, statements about the national space-time are predominantly prescriptive. The following paragraph begins with a sentence which is epistemically modalized, a prediction (憌e will not meet our objectives overnight?. The national space-time is represented mainly in terms of 慽rrealis?processes, what things should be like and must be made like rather than what they are like. The processes of subordinate and embedded clauses (憇timulating? 憃pening? 慶ollaborating? 慴enchmarking? are also irrealis through a process of 憄ropagation?of the irrealis processes of main clauses analogous to the 憊alue propagation?discussed by Lemke (1998), but so too are the embedded processes of nominalizations (慶ompetition? 慺lexibility?. Notice that irrealis processes are in (irrealis) causal relation with each other, eg 慶reative partnerships?lead to 慶ollaboration?which leads to 慶ompetitive advantage?

 

The processes of the national space-time are predominantly  material, and in contrast to the global space-time the actors in material processes are human, either the pronoun 憌e?or collective nouns (憈he Government? 慶ompanies?.

 

I shall just comment on the representation of relationships between processes in paragraph 5. The semantic relationship between the first sentence and the second and third taken together is both additive (慳lso? and contrastive (慴ut?, the relationship between the second and third sentences is addition, the relationship between the first three sentences and the fourth is elaboration. In terms of relations between sentences, the representation of global space-time in paragraph 1 and national space-time in paragraph 5 have a similar list-like quality. But there is a difference in relations within sentences. In the first sentence, the first non-finite clause (from 憇timulating? is subordinate to the preceding finite clause, the second non-finite clause (慴y opening? is subordinate to the first non-finite clause. Semantically, the relations are elaboration and means respectively. In the second sentence, the second finite clause (from 憌hen? is subordinate to the first ?the semantic relation is apparently temporal but perhaps rather causal (慴ecause companies alone cannot?. There is layered embedding in the third sentence: a restrictive relative clause (beginning 憌hich help? embedded in a noun phrase, and a list of co-ordinated non-finite clauses in a semantic relation of addition (from 憈o collaborate? which are embedded in the relative clause as complements of 慼elp? There are many nominalized processes (慶ompetition? 慺lexibility? 慽nnovation?etc), though in contrast with paragraph 1 they do not function as actors.

 

The text as a whole, in the representation of both global and national space-time, is notable for the number of lists ?elements in a semantically additive and grammatically paratactic relationship. Using a terminology I shall come back to, these lists texture relations of equivalence between elements. In some cases, equivalent elements are co-hyponyms, for instance 憃ur assets: knowledge, skills and creativity?in paragraph 2, where 慿nowledge? 憇kills?and 慶reativity?are co-hyponyms of 慳ssets?(the superordinate term). 慛ew technologies emerge constantly? 憂ew markets are opening up? ?there being) new competitors?and 憂ew opportunities?are co-hyponyms of 慶hange?in paragraph 1; 慹ducation? 憇cience? and ?the creation of) a culture of enterprise?are co-hyponyms of 態ritish capabilities?in paragraph 5. But 慹quipping ourselves for the long term? ?being) prepared to seize opportunities? ?being) committed to constant innovation and enhanced performance?are co-meronyms of 慺ostering a new entrepreneurial spirit??the former are aspects of the latter (Martin 1992). Elsewhere, elements are textured in equivalence relations without being in such hierachies, as co-members of a class which is not labelled (what van Leeuwen 1996 calls 慳ssociations?.  For instance, in paragraph 3: 憈o be innovative and creative?  憈o improve performance continuously? 憈o build new alliances and ventures?  In the last sentence of paragraph 2,  the relation of equivalence between 憁odern?and 慿nowledge-driven?can be taken as the semantic relation of elaboration (Halliday 1994).

 

Let me come to how the global space-time is textured into a relationship with the national space-time in the Blair text:

(a) The overall semantic pattern or rhetorical formation of the text can be seen as the 憄roblem-solution?pattern (Hoey 2001). The problem is the incontrovertible and inevitable reality we are faced with (the global economy), the solution is what we must do to succeed in this new reality. A relationship is textured between 慽s?and 憁ust? reality and necessity, which precludes real policy options.

(b) A relationship of subordination of national space-time to global space-time (national policy to global economy) is textured through projection in paragraph 3, in verbal processes in which 憈his new world?is addresser (posing 慶hallenges? and (national) 慴usiness?and 慓overnment?are addressees.

(c) A relationship of subordination of national space-time to global space-time is textured in paragraph 2 as the relation between national policy action (the embedded clause in sentence 1) and an implicit global reason (sentences 2 and 3) for this action. Notice the slippage from national to global in the anaphoric reference at the beginning of sentence 2: 憈hese?refers anaphorically not to ?I>our knowledge, skills and creativity? but to 慿nowledge, skills and creativity?generally.

(d) Processes on a national level are framed by circumstantial elements (慽n a world of short-term pressures? 慽n today抯 tough markets?憈he markets of tomorrow? which embed them within processes on a global level in paragraphs 5 and 6.

(e) The national space-time is populated, one might say colonised,  by the entified and spatialized processes of neo-liberal representations of the 慻lobal economy?(慺lexibility? 慹nterprise?  慽nnovation? 憄artnerships?etc), which are positively valued (verbs such as 憇timulate?and 憄romote?can be seen as textual triggers for positive valuation).

 

 

Critical Discourse Analysis in Research on New Capitalism

 

Let us come back to relations of equivalence, taking 慿nowledge, skills and creativity?as an example. There is potentially a negative aspect to texturing elements as equivalent: it can subvert prior differences. What is striking about this example is that it makes equivalent words which come from different discourses which are historically associated with different domains of social life ?education and learning (慿nowledge?, crafts and trades (憇kills? and art (慶reativity?. This subversion of the difference between prior discourses is constitutive in the making of a new discourse. A discourse is a representation of some area of social life from a particular perspective. One might refer rather to 憆egisters? but 慸iscourses?implies that all domains of social life (and of language use) are multi-perspectival ?representing artistic production in terms of 慶reativity?might be abhorrent from certain perspectives in the artistic field. The new discourse in this case is neo-liberal. That is a way of labelling a particular perspective within the political field, and one characteristic of it is that it makes these words equivalent as co-hyponyms of 慳ssets? I should add that there are issues of time-scale here: the equivalence of 慿nowledge?and 憇kills?is older than their co-equivalence with 慶reativity? Furthermore, some texts are original in texturing new equivalences, others (including this one) are typical of large bodies of texts which characteristically texture particular equivalences. This text is typical I would suggest of a body of texts which draw upon the political discourse of New Labour, of the 慣hird Way, which one can see as a particular variant of the political discourse of neo-liberalism (Fairclough 2000b).

 

So at one level of analysis, the relations textured by texts constitute discourses in relation to (and potentially in subversive relation to) other discourses. The particular constructions of global and national space-time which I have discussed above can be seen in the same terms. They are characteristic of neo-liberal political discourse, and at the same time subversive of prior political discourses ?in this case, the neo-liberal political discourse of the Third Way is subversive especially of the social democratic discourse of 憃ld Labour? The relations of equivalence in particular point to what I want to suggest is a general property of texts: they hybridize discourses in constituting discourses. Actually that is only one aspect of a more general process: they also hybridize genres in constituting genres, and hybridize styles (in the sense of ways of being, identities, in their language aspect) in constituting styles.  This is an aspect of the multifunctional character of texts, but I am suggesting that texts not only simultaneously have representational, actional and identificatory functions in their linguistic features, they also have these functions 慽nterdiscursively? at the level of discourses, genres and styles. (The version of multifunctionality I am adopting here is of course different from the most familiar version in Systemic Functional Linguistics (ideational, interpersonal, textual), but the principle of multifunctionality is the same ?see Halliday 1994, Fairclough 2003).

 

In Critical Discourse Analysis, interdiscursive analysis of texts is the mediating level of analysis which is crucial to integrating social and linguistic analysis (Fairclough 1992, Chouliaraki & Fairclough 1999). Let us use the term 憇emiosis?in preference to the use of 慸iscourse?as an abstract noun ?one advantage is that it reminds us that what is at issue in not just (verbal) language but also other semiotic modalities (Kress & van Leuwen 2000), another is that it avoids confusion with 慸iscourses?as a count noun in the sense I have just discussed. Semiosis in an element of social practices which is dialectically interconnected with other elements ?in the  terminology of dialectical theory, it is a 憁oment?of the social. What this means is that while different elements of social practices ?including forms of activity, social relations and their institutional forms, persons with beliefs, values, emotions, histories etc, material objects (including the means or technologies of activities), and semiosis ?are indeed different, and cannot be reduced to each other, and demand different social scientific theories and methodologies, they are not discrete. They flow to one another, they 慽nternalize?one another in Harvey抯 terminology (Harvey 1996, see also Fairclough 2001, 2003). Discourses, genres, and styles are three main ways in which semiosis figures in social practices ?as part of the action (genres), in representation (discourses), and in identification (styles).

 

Social practices are networked. One way of describing a particular social field in the sense of Bourdieu (Bourdieu & Wacquant 1992) or indeed a social order is in terms of the networking of social practices which characterizes it. Social change is change in the networking of social practices ?so the transformations of new capitalism can be analysed in terms of changes in network relations, both structural changes (changes in relations between fields or domains) and scalar changes (changes in relations between global, regional, national and local), in the terminology I introduced earlier. The semiotic element or moment of a network of social practices is an 憃rder of discourse??a particular articulation or configuration of genres, discourses and styles. Orders of discourse are the social structuring of semiotic difference or variation. Interdiscursive analysis of texts is the mediating link between linguistic analysis and social analysis because, on the one hand, the 憁ix?of genres, discourses and styles in a text is realized in its semantic, lexico-grammatical and phonological features, and on the other hand that 憁ix?constitutes a particular working at the level of the concrete event of the semiotic moment of social practices. A particular text can simultaneously, depending on the 憁ix?of genres, discourses and styles, constitute a reworking of prior, habitual or familiar constellations of linguistic features (eg relations of equivalence), and a reworking of the relatively durable articulations of genres, discourses and styles which constitute orders of discourse and relations between orders of discourse (and hence, given the dialectical view of semiosis as a moment of the social, relations between social practices).  Thus the equivalences noted in the text not only rework relations between what we can now more properly refer to as orders of discourse, but also between the social practices they are moments of (education, crafts/trades, art). Interdiscursive analysis thus enables textual analysis to be properly integrated into social analysis. In the case of the particular issue in focus in this paper, to be properly integrated into social analysis of the transformations of new capitalism.

 

I have focused upon the political discourse of Blair抯 text. It would also be possible to analyse its genre and its style, ie to analyse it as a form of political action (specifying what such 慒orewords?are doing) and as a form of constituting the identity of a political leader. But I want rather to comment on relations between discourses, genres and styles in terms of the historical process which this text is positioned within. I described the temporality of the national space-time as 慽rrealis? Putting it differently, this sort of political discourse deals in imaginaries ?it projects ways of acting and ways of being. Whether it remains merely a construal of possible ways of acting and being, or comes to construct real ways of acting and being, is a contingent matter (Sayer 2000). Discourses can be socially constructive ?social life can be remodelled in their image. But there are no guarantees in that regard. There are conditions of possibility for discourses to have such constructive or performative effects (Fairclough, Jessop & Sayer 2002). If they do have such effects, then the dialectics of discourse takes effect: discourses may be enacted in ways of acting and interacting, and they may be inculcated in ways of being, identities. Take for instance 慶reative partnerships? For 慶reative partnerships?to go beyond the realm of imaginary construal into the realm of actual existence, people would need to start acting and interacting differently, and being different. Partly these enactments and inculcations are themselves semiotic, entailing new genres, and new styles. But partly they are non-semiotic, the dialectical internalization of discourses in for instance new management systems and forms of embodiment, and their materialization in for instance new architectural forms, or new ways of organizing urban space. Texts such as this one are of course precisely in the business of creating imaginaries as a step towards changed realities. One needs a dialectical view of semiosis to grasp that potential process in a way which gives due force to the impact of language in initiating it and in carrying it through.

 

Blair抯 text is positioned in complex chains or networks of texts with which it contracts intertextual relations, both 憆etrospective?and 憄rospective? ie both with prior texts which in one way or other have shaped this text or which it is oriented to or in dialogue with, and with subsequent texts which report, represent, echo etc this text and which it may anticipate. The concept of recontextualization helps to grasp the dynamics of these relations (Bernstein 1990). But these relations on the concrete level of relations between specific events and texts are shaped by the more durable relations of networks of social practices, and orders of discourse as their semiotic moments. Orders of discourse are characterized by 慶hain?relations as well as 慶hoice?relations. In particular, relations within as well as between orders of discourse are regulated by genre chains ?relatively durable and institutionalized relationships between genres characterized by particular principles of recontextualization and transformation. Thus the genres of politics and government are chained with the genres of mass media in such a way that the recontextualization of a political document like this one within a press report, and the transformations from the one to the other, have a relatively regular and predictable character. Social change importantly includes change in these relations of recontextualization and genre chains. For instance, the 慻lobalizing?character of the transformations of new capitalism includes the emergence of relations of recontextualization and genre chains which enable and regulate more fluid ways of acting across scales (at the limit, from the global to the local). Texts such as this not only represent relations between space-times, they are also positioned within such relations. And any account of the constitutive or performative effects of semiosis in the transformations of new capitalism must include these shifts in relations of recontextualization.

 

At the same time, however, recontextualization should be seen in terms of a colonizing/appropriating dialectic (Chouliaraki & Fairclough 1999). In this case for instance, one might refer to recontextualization relations between the economic field and the political field (and their orders of discourse), and between the 慻lobal?scale and the national scale. Blair抯 representation of global space-time can be seen as a recontextualization of representations of the 憂ew economic order? economic 慻lobalization? which are pervasive in texts of for instance the World Bank, IMF or OECD. One can meaningfully consider how national political discourse is being colonized by global economic discourse. But at the same time, this narrative of economic change can be seen as appropriated into doing particular sorts of (憆hetorical? work in particular sorts of text. Thus Hay and Rosamund (2002) claim that legitimizing national policy change in terms of inexorable and uncontrollable processes globalization is a rhetorical strategy used in domestic political discourse in Britain (though not British political discourse within international agencies such as the United Nations), but not in France, where the legitimizing narrative is one of 慐uropean integration? Textually, one can look at how such a recontextualized narrative is transformed (in this case into a very minimal narrative compared with the elaborated versions one finds in for instance World Bank texts, Fairclough 2000a) and worked into a relation with other elements ?in this case elements of policy formulation  - in ways which are rhetorically motivated.

 

Overdetermination and transdisciplinarity

I have distinguished above different levels of concreteness and abstractness ?social events and texts on the one hand, social practices and orders of discourse on the other. I assume a realist social ontology, in which social structures as well as social events are part of social reality. Social structures are abstract entities which define potentials, sets of possibilities. However, the relationship between what is structurally possible and what actually happens, between structures and events, is a very complex one.  Events are not in any simple or direct way the effects of abstract social structures. Their relationship is mediated ?there are intermediate entities between structures and events. I call these 憇ocial practices? Social practices can be thought of as ways of controlling the selection of certain structural possibilities and the exclusion of others, and the retention of these selections over time, in particular areas of social life.

 

Language is an element of the social at all levels. Schematically:

 

                   Social structures: languages

                   Social practices: orders of discourse

                   Social events: texts

 

Languages can be regarded as amongst the abstract social structures I have just been referring to. A language defines a certain potential, certain possibilities, and excludes. But texts as elements of social events are not simply the effects of the potentials defined by languages. We need to recognise intermediate organisational entities of a specifically linguistic sort, the linguistic moments of networks of social practices, ie orders of discourse. The elements of orders of discourse are not for instance nouns and sentences (elements of linguistic structures), but discourses, genres and styles. These elements select certain possibilities defined by languages and exclude others ?they control linguistic variability for particular areas of social life. So orders of discourse can be seen as the social organisation and control of linguistic variation. There is an argument in Chouliaraki & Fairclough (2000) for an extension of Hasan抯 (2000) account of 憇emologic?to include orders of discourse.

 

As we move from abstract structures towards concrete events, it becomes increasingly difficult to separate language from other social elements. In the terminology of Althusser, language becomes increasingly 憃verdetermined?by other social elements (Althusser & Balibar 1970)[iii]. So at the level of abstract structures, we can talk more or less exclusively about language ?more or less, because 慺unctional?theories of language see even the grammars of languages as socially shaped (Halliday 1978). The way I have defined orders of discourse makes it clear that at this intermediate level we are dealing with a much greater overdetermination of language by other social elements. Orders of discourse are the social organisation and control of linguistic (semiotic) variation, and their elements (discourses, genres, styles) are correspondingly not purely linguistic categories but categories which cut across t[iv]he division between semiosis and non-semiosis and can act as a bridge between disciplines in transdisciplinary research (see below). When we come to texts as elements of social events, the 憃verdetermination?of language by other social elements becomes massive: texts are not just effects of linguistic structures and orders of discourse, they are also effects of other social practices and structures, as well as of the casual powers of social agents, so that it becomes difficult to separate out the factors shaping texts (Fairclough, Jessop & Sayer 2002).

 

It follows, I want to suggest, that we should work in a 憈ransdisciplinary?way (Dubiel 1985, Halliday 1993) in doing discourse analysis and text analysis. 慖nterdisciplinarity?covers a multitude of practices, including the coming-together of researchers with different disciplinary backgrounds and training for the purposes of a particular research project, without any implication that the contributing disciplinary theories or methods are affected or changed by the experience. Working in a transdisciplinary way is one way of working in an interdisciplinary way, which is distinguished by a commitment to enter a dialogue with other disciplines and theories, put their logic to work in the development of one抯 own theory, methods, research objects, and research agendas. It is not simply a matter of adding concepts and categories from other disciplines and theories, but working on and elaborating one抯 own theoretical and methodological resources so as to be able to address insights or problems captured in other theories and disciplines from the perspective of one抯 particular concerns. It makes sense to do so in the light of what I said above about overdetermination: semiosis is an analytically separate element of social events whose analysis requires its own theories, categories and methods, but at the same time one must be seeking to analyse the language element of events ?text - in ways which elucidate its dialectical relations with other elements. Disciplinary specialisation is simultaneously necessary and insufficient, desirable and dangerous.

 

The critical realist distinction between the real, the actual, and the empirical is also germane to this issue. I have already in effect distinguished between the real and the actual: the real for critical realism is structures and their associated 憁echanisms? the structural delimitation of the possible, whereas the actual is the concrete, what actually happens as opposed to what could happen. (This critical realist sense of 憆eal?is unfortunate ?both the 憆eal and the 慳ctual?are real in any reasonable sense of the term.)  The empirical is what is available to us as knowledge of the real and the actual. The real and the actual cannot be reduced to the empirical ?we cannot assume that what is known exhausts what is. If we apply this perspective to texts, it implies that we should be somewhat cautious about what we know as linguists about texts, avoid any claims for a positive science of texts, and recognise the need to work on the common social opacity of textual analyses by developing our resources for textual analysis through a transdisciplinary way of working.

 

 

Space-time and equivalence/difference relations

With these considerations in mind, let me come back to the Blair text, to put in focus the incipient transdisciplinary character of the analysis I have done by positioning the text in relation to social scientific theories of space-time on the one hand, and logics of equivalence and difference on the other.

 

The use of the category of 憇pace-time?in recent geographical and social theory registers the view that there is an 慽ndissoluble link?between space and time (Harvey 1996). People in modern societies simultaneously inhabit different space-times: their own localities (憄laces?, sub-national regions (e.g. 憈he North?in the UK), nation-states, and international space-times (the European Union, the 慻lobal?space-time).  Furthermore, these space-times are not externally given, they are socially constructed. So too are relationships which are established (and negotiated and contested) between them. These relationships can prove to be problematic, and problematic in different ways for different classes and groups of people. For instance, Harvey discusses the persisting problem in working class politics of how to connect the 憁ilitant particularism?(the term is Raymond Williams? of trade union and political activists in particular places (localities, workplaces) with universalist national and international agendas for social emancipation. At the same time, there are mundane and banal ways in which relationships between different space-times are lived and experienced in people抯 daily lives.

 

The transformations of new capitalism include changes in the social construction of space-times and of relations between space-times. The emergent new social order brings new problems in relating and moving between simultaneously occupied space-times, and new social divisions which have been discussed for instance by Castells (1996) in terms of the differences between those who primarily occupy global and local networks (see also Bauman 1998). It also brings new problems in achieving and legitimising normalised, banal, relations between space-times. The significant points in terms of my present concerns are that (a) these processes of establishing, negotiating and legitimising space-times and relations between space-times are processes which are omnipresent in texts, and (b) an elucidation of these processes (whether for theoretical purposes of understanding them or for political purposes of contesting them) requires the resources of textual analysis. At the same time, however, those resources need to be enhanced in the transdisciplinary way I have been indicating by exploring ways in which we can 憃perationalize?in textual analysis perspectives on space and time which have been developed in social theory. My earlier analysis is an attempt to do this.

 

My analysis of the Blair text is intended to suggest the significance of the text and texturing in the shifting constructions of global and national space-times and of the relationship between them associated with the new capitalism and neo-liberal political discourse. Global space-time is represented ?described ?as a reality of the undelimited (憈imeless? present (though as I pointed out in a somewhat contradictory way in that the 憆ealis?description disguises some 慽rrealis?prediction). The processes of global space-time are also represented as spatially universal though 慻reat new opportunities?might seem rather difficult to see for millions of people in the poorest countries. Its processes are processes without responsible human agents ?technologies for instance simply 慹merge? they are not developed and promoted by human agents (such as corporations or governments) in connection with particular purposes and interests. It is described rather than analysed or explained ?a sense of its reality is built up through a cumulative list of evidences, appearances, rather than through analysis of causes and effects. A relationship is textured between the global space-time and of the national space-time which frames the latter within the former: the global space-time is an incontrovertible and inevitable reality, and 憌e?must respond to it in ways which allow us to live and succeed within it. This is reminiscent of accounts of 憈ime-space compression?and its implications in terms of enhanced connectivity between between scales of social life, and the inescapability of global processes and events at other scales (Giddens 1990, Harvey 1996). National space-time is irrealis, a set of prescriptions for future action to achieve success in the global reality. Its agents are human and collective. Policies and actions which are prescribed are in some cases rationalized and legitimized.  Ends are associated with means (eg 慴y opening markets?, reasons are given, though generally implicitly (eg 慶ompanies alone cannot (invest in British capabilities)?is a reason for 憉s?doing so, being in 慳 world of short term pressures?is a reason for promoting a long-term vision). In contrast with the description of the global in terms of appearances, there is a causal logic at work in these national policy prescriptions.

 

Heller (1999) characterizes modernity as legitimizing present actions in terms of grand visions of the future. The Blair text has something of this character, but without its optimistic or visionary aspects. The national space-time is not visioned in terms of progress in the modernist sense. The inevitable and imperative global space-time which broods over the national space-time enforces a particular direction of change, the grand vision (if such it be) is coloured by an implicit sense of risk and danger from 憂ew competitors? 憇uccess?is contingent, failure to compete effectively now will mean we will not 憄rosper in the markets of tomorrow?  Neo-liberalism may as Gray suggests (1993) share the 慶anonical thinking?of socialism, but without its optimistic sense of progress for the betterment of humankind. The prescribed future is more a matter of acting to create reality in accordance with a neo-liberal blueprint so as not to fail.

 

Let me turn more briefly to relations of equivalence and difference. Laclau & Mouffe (1985) theorize the political process (and 慼egemony? in terms of the simultaneous working of two different 憀ogics? a logic of 慸ifference?which creates differences and divisions, and a logic of 慹quivalence?which creates equivalences in 憇ubverting?existing differences and divisions. This can usefully be seen as a general characterization of social processes of classification: people in all social practices are continuously dividing and combining - producing (also reproducing) and subverting divisions and differences. Social interaction, as Laclau & Mouffe suggest, is an ongoing work of articulation and disarticulation. This is true of the textual moment of social events. Elements (words, phrases etc) are constantly being textured into relations of equivalence and relations of difference, prior equivalences and differences are constantly being 憇ubverted? and these processes are an important part of the textual moment of the social process of classification. In operationalizing this theory in textual analysis we are also strengthening the claims of textual analysis to be able to contribute to social research on classification and processes of articulation and disarticulation. Laclau & Mouffe抯 political theory is already a discourse theory in a Foucaultian sense, but what it lacks is a text analytical capacity.

 

 

 

 

Conclusion

What is at issue on one level in this paper is how we can make a strong case to other social scientists for textual analysis as a significant element in social research on the transformations of new capitalism (or 慻lobalization?. Traditions of textual analysis in Linguistics already have much to offer, and I have of course drawn upon Systemic Functional Linguistics in particular in the analysis. But I have also made a case for a transdisciplinary way of working in textual analysis in which one attempts to maintain a dialogue with social theoretical and research perspectives and to develop and enhance textual analysis by seeking to operationalize within it categories and insights from these perspectives. I have also argued that interdiscursive analysis of texts is a crucial mediating link between linguistic analysis and social analysis, a link which we need I would argue if we are to succeed in incorporating textual analysis more substantively within social research. The rationale and clarification of how interdiscursive analysis can act in this mediating way depends upon theoretical categories and perspectives within Critical Discourse Analysis which I have briefly discussed.

 

There is much in Systemic Functional Linguistics which is of value in this project, including a long-term concern with socially-oriented analysis of text and a linguistic theory which is itself socially oriented and informed. Also, the dynamic, process view of text as 憈exturing?echoes thinking within SFL (Lemke 1988). The key difference is over interdiscursivity and the category of 憃rder of discourse?(Chouliaraki & Fairclough 1999). We can put this in terms of the levels of concreteness and abstractness I have distinguished: just as the general relationship between social structures and social events needs to seen as mediated by social practices, so also does the relationship between semiotic structures (languages) and texts need to be mediated by orders of discourse, the semiotic moment of social practices. The interdiscursivity of texts is the correlate at the concrete level of social events of orders of discourse at the more abstract level of social practices. Incorporating interdiscursive analysis into textual analysis allows us as I suggested earlier to link linguistic analysis to social analysis, and thus places us in a stronger position to make a substantive contribution to social research.

 

 

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[i] I am grateful to Isabela Preoteasa for her helpful comments on a draft of this paper.

[ii] I shall sometimes put 慻lobal?in scare quotes to indicate the contentiousness of claims about 慻lobalisation? A key issue is the relationship between real processes of increased international trade, international operation of corporations, international cultural flows etc, and their representation as 慻lobalisation? Some argue that 慻lobalisation?is more of a partial and interested and ideological way of representing actual changes than a real process (see Held et al 1999).

[iii] Althusser takes the term 憃verdetermination?from Freud, who uses it to describe the condensation of a number of thoughts in a single image in dreams, or the transference of psychic energy from a potent thought to an apparently trivial image. Althusser uses the term to describe the effects of the contradictions of each practice within a social formation on the social formation as a whole, with respect to relations of domination/subordination between contradictions. (See Glossary, Althusser & Balibar 1970). Althusser notes that this was not an arbitrary borrowing from Freud but a necessary one, 慺or the same theoretical problem is at stake in both cases: with what concept are we to think the determination of either an element or a structure by a structure??(1970: 188). Similarly, my use of the concept reflects my concern with the same theoretical problem.  See Fairclough, Jessop & Sayer 2002.

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